![]() The conclusion was that the act of recall in testing scenarios leads to better learning, as assessed by recall tasks. ![]() After 1 week, participants could recall 80% of word pairs they were repeatedly tested on, but only 33–36% of word pairs they had repeatedly restudied. ![]() For example, Karpicke and Roediger demonstrated that when English speakers had to learn 40 pairs of English-Swahili words, their learning was enhanced for items they had to recall during a test relative to items they had merely restudied. In the literature on learning and memory, certain manipulations are known to lead to better retention for words encountered during reading. Therefore, there is a pressing need to examine if and how the ability for recall of new phonological forms can be optimised, and how this affects novel word learning.Īlthough many words are implicitly extracted and learnt in contextually rich environments through repeated exposure, there are more explicit ways that words might be taught. ![]() In fact, children with developmental language disorders particularly struggle with the sequential and phonological aspect of learning in verbal-visual association tasks. In order to produce a word, it is important not just to recognise a sequence of sounds, but achieve near perfect recall Footnote 1 of it. The latter form of learning is critical for production. Learning these new words is not trivial at the cognitive level, and comprises multiple components, such as matching a word to a referent, developing a deeper understanding of the referent, as well as learning a novel sequence of sounds. By adding these words to our vocabulary, we can talk about new ideas and concepts. “Google”), or words we encounter in games (for instance, names of Pokémon in popular game Pokémon Go). People constantly encounter and learn new words, for example, the smattering of foreign language words we pick up while travelling to other countries, the names of companies that perform new functions in our everyday lives (e.g. Although there may be practical reasons for preferring a particular method for training expressive vocabulary, no difference in effectiveness was detected when presenting words aurally: reproducing, recalling or restudying a word led to the same production accuracy. Our primary hypothesis about training conditions conferring specific advantages for production of novel words presented aurally, especially over long intervals, was not supported by this data. Nonetheless, we found a clear effect of word length, with shorter words being better learned than longer words, indicating that our method was sufficiently sensitive to detect an impact of condition on learning. Results from a Bayesian analysis also supported this null finding. Furthermore, there was no boost for the cued Recall condition over time relative to the other two conditions. Immediately after training, participants showed an advantage for cued Recall over the Restudy condition, but not over the Reproduce condition. However, results in the cued recall task did not support our hypotheses. In addition, recognition and cued recall performance was better immediately after training relative to a week later, confirming that participants forgot some words over time. In all three conditions, recognition performance was extremely high immediately after training, and a week following training, indicating that participants had acquired associations between the novel pictures and novel words. Our hypotheses were that reproduction and restudy practice would lead to better learning immediately after training, but that cued recall practice would lead to better retention in the long term. Participants were tested on their recognition (3-alternative forced choice) and recall (saying the pseudoword in response to a picture) of these items immediately after training, and a week after training. They were given cued recall practice for 9 of the words, reproduction practice for another set of 9 words, and the remaining 9 words were restudied. Participants (36 English-speaking adults) learned 27 pseudowords, which were paired with 27 unfamiliar pictures. Here, we test how these training manipulations affect learning of words presented aurally, when participants are required to produce these novel phonological forms in a recall task. Such benefit has been observed for written words. Certain manipulations, such as testing oneself on newly learned word associations (recall), or the act of repeating a word during training (reproduction), can lead to better learning and retention relative to simply providing more exposure to the word (restudy).
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